Showing posts with label Traitors and Turncoats. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Traitors and Turncoats. Show all posts

30 April 2013

Traitors & Turncoats: The Dreyfus Affair



By Kathryn A. Kopple

Justice and Parables:  Alfred Dreyfus and Franz Kafka

How is it possible for the Dreyfus Affair to cast light on the work of Franz Kafka, and in particular stories such as “The Burrow?”  For it may be said of Kafka, perhaps more than any other writer of his stature, that he is rarely read historically—and yet, to better understand Kafka, context is needed—and, indeed, the connection between his writing and the Dreyfus case better understood. 

“The Affair,” as the Dreyfus case is known, began after the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871).  The war prompted an arms race between the two European powers.  The French, having lost to its German neighbor, was determined to modernize not only its artillery but heighten its intelligence operations.   Diplomatic channels seethed with espionage; a cast of charismatic and extraordinarily careless characters took up posts in the German embassy—one of whom bore the name Maximilian von Shwarzkoppen.  The French High Command monitored the Germans by hiring cleaning women (spies), who emptied the wastepaper baskets on a daily basis.  Whatever material went into the trash, the cleaning lady then handed over to French officials in what was called “the ordinary task.”  Shwazkoppen kept up a furious correspondence. He and his agents adopted female aliases, wrote steamy letters to each other, and reveled in obscene references.  All in all, they seemed to be having a good time of it.
Alfred Dreyfus
Sadly, the frivolity ended with the arrest of Captain Alfred Dreyfus on charges of treason.  Dreyfus began his service in 1880 as an artillery officer.  According to Jean-Denis Brendin, author of The Affair, the induction of Dreyfus coincided with an increasingly virulent form of French anti-Semitism.  Dreyfus was in a delicate position:  he was not only Jewish but from Alsace-Lorraine.  As such, was Dreyfus truly French?  Could a Frenchman be a Jew as well?  Did the orthodox French army, a bastion of papists and monarchists, even want Jews among its ranks?  From the beginning to the end of his long ordeal—arrest, conviction, sentencing to Devil’s Island, eventual release—Dreyfus never once suggested  that he had become a scapegoat for the Jews.  In statement after statement, in letter after letter, he insisted on his devotion to France, his love of France, on the glory of France; for him, there was no greater nation.  The French Republic, pure in spirit and brotherly love, would never debase itself by allowing racism to stain its reputation.   Dreyfus never ceased to defend his country while insisting that a grave mistake had been made:  he was innocent.
Others agreed.  The German Embassy wanted no part of the Dreyfus Affair, or any other case that would implicate its diplomats in espionage.  Swarzkoppen protested ever having come into contact with Alfred Dreyfus.  He was unwilling, however, to reveal the identity of the true traitor: a complicated—some might say sociopathic—individual by the name of Major Marie Charles Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy.   Sometime before Dreyfus’s arrest and court martial, Esterhazy volunteered to pass sensitive documents to Swarzkoppen, pleading mounting debts and possible destitution.   Wary of Esterhazy, Swarzkoppen nonetheless took him on as an agent.  His new spy proved to be more trouble than he was worth.  Even before Dreyfus came under suspicion, Swarzkoppen was eager to be rid of Esterhazy and his demands for ever larger sums of money.
Meanwhile, the French agent at the Germany Embassy continued collecting the trash—much of it correspondence of no particular importance hastily ripped to bits and pieces, including one document that would become known as the bordereau or memorandum.   The contents of the memo referred to a hydraulic break of the 120; a note covering new plans for troops; modification of Artillery (sic) formations; a note pertaining to Madagascar; and The Sketch for a Firing Manuel for the country artillery.  Upon reading the memo, General Auguste Mercier, the French Minister of War, was outraged, as it implied that someone under his direct authority had committed treason, a grave oversight that reflected poorly on his ability to manage his staff.  The hunt for the culprit began in earnest—and the faster the traitor was caught the better.  Justice would not be served in this case, as officers eager to prove their worth relied on hearsay, doctored evidence, conspired among each other.  The name Alfred Dreyfus came up, and it was decided that if his handwriting matched the memo, it would certainly provide evidence enough of his guilt.  Hand-writing experts were called in, although none could say for certain that Dreyfus had written the memo.  Still, the Minister of War was convinced.  His Jewish background, the fact that he was considered in the eyes of his superiors as more German than French, a negative review written by a superior, and the fact that he came from a family of means (ironically) compromised Captain Dreyfus.  The end result:  a miscarriage of justice that would take years to resolve.
On October 13, 1894, Alfred Dreyfus reported to his office.  Waiting for him was a man who introduced himself as Commandant du Paty de Clam.  Bendin describes the scene:

In the rear were three men in civilian garb unknown to Dreyfus…  du Paty invited Dreyfus to fill in the identificatory section of his inspection as his aides looked on.  Then du Paty, whose right hand was covered by a black glove, said to Dreyfus:  “I have a letter to write and present to General Boisdeffre for his signature.  I’ve hurt my finger.  Can you write it for me?”  Dreyfus agreed to the odd request, and sat at a small table ready for the dictation.

It was then that Commandant du Paty, leaning over Dreyfus, dictated to him a meticulously composed text (55).

Unbeknownst to Dreyfus, he was signing away his legal rights.  At one point during the interrogation, du Paty shouted that Dreyfus was under arrest for the crime of high treason.   The Commandant had a pistol hidden beneath a folder, which he offered to Dreyfus—the intent obvious:   Captain Dreyfus should use it to kill himself.  He refused and then hauled off to lock-up.  His family had yet to be notified.  For the moment, only the military knew his whereabouts.
The Dreyfus family - Wikipedia
For a private man, the “Affair” brought Dreyfus to public attention in ways that were nearly as excruciating as his incarceration on Devil’s Island.  He was France’s most famous prisoner—and as such, much of the punishment meted out to him was excessive, and arbitrary.  Publicly degraded by being stripped of his uniform, and then shipped off to Devil’s Island, which had once served as a leper colony, Dreyfus was kept in solitary confinement, double shackled to his bed at night, and nearly starved to death.  Many in the French High Command wished he would be forgotten.  They would not get their wish.  Alfred’s brother, Matheiu Dreyfus, never ceased in his efforts to have him exonerated.  His desperation led Matheiu at to take up with a clairvoyant; a woman he lodged in his house.  He encouraged to her spend hours in trances in an effort to make psychic contact with his brother.  He also hired lawyers, knocked on doors and made trips abroad.  His efforts paid off—that, and the fact the right-wing papers, with their stream of anti-Jewish vitriol, gained the attention a group known as the Dreyfusards.  Among them, Emile Zola, who, sympathetic to Captain Dreyfus, published his famous J’Accuse letter denouncing the Affair.  The conservative press used Zola’s Italian background as cause for dismissing him as a foreigner, a man with no genuine ties to France.  One of the country’s most respected writers was thus lumped in with the grotesque Jews, who were vile, scarcely human, lacking a culture, country or language of their own, beyond contempt.
Grotesque?  Or Kafkaesque?  As the truth of the misdeeds of the French High Command surfaced, and the pressure to revisit the Dreyfus case mounted, it was decided that Dreyfus be allowed to return to France—not as a free man, but to face a second trial.  He was once more convicted, but by then French officials, wanting to wash their hands of the Affair, offered the Captain amnesty.   Dreyfus accepted—much to the dismay of his supporters.   Indeed, he infuriated them by requesting that he be reinstated in the army, and by his refusal to attack in any way those responsible for his ordeal.  Perhaps he feared for his family?  Whatever the reason, he refused to publicly assist the Dreyfusards.
As Sander L. Gilman writes in Franz Kafka:  The Jewish Patient, Kafka was eleven years old when Dreyfus was arrested.  He would turn twenty-three upon the Captain’s final pardon.  When Kafka was twenty-five, a last attempt was made on Dreyfus’s life.  Jews across Europe were deeply shaken by these events.  Kafka was no different.  The “otherness” of his writing points not uniquely to a disturbed psyche (although Kafka suffered from ailments both nervous and physical) but to actual historical events as well.  The Trial, certainly one of Kafka’s most famous novels, demonstrates the uncertain authority of the law, the vulnerability of the individual in the face of unfounded accusations, and the cruel absurdity of guilty before proven innocent.  In particular, his story “The Burrow,” may be read as the culmination of the hysteria that took hold of Europe that resulted in World War I.  For what was Kafka referring to in this parable about an animal that tunnels deep within the ground—a nameless creature—that seeks to protect itself by self-burial?  “The Burrow” is a story about trench warfare:   the misery of fighting in those holes, and the death of thousands.  The conflict resulted in an even greater hardening of one nation-state against another--and a re-emergence with particular hatred and fear of the “Other.” In some sense, Kafka was spared the worst.  He applied for service in World War I and was rejected for reasons of health.  After World War II broke out, his three sisters were captured and killed by the Nazis.  By that time, Kafka had passed away of tuberculosis.
               
NOTES:

Brendin, Jean-Denis, The Affair:  The Case of Alfred Dreyfus, trans. Jeffrey Mehlman, George Braziller, New York, 1986.

Gilman L., Sander, Franz Kafka: The Jewish Patient, pg. 69-70,



Kathryn A.Kopple is the author of Little Velásquez, a novel set in 15th century Spain.

24 April 2013

Traitors & Turncoats: The Wife of García Fernández in Historical Epic

By Jessica Knauss

Our main source for Castilian epic poems are the traces they’ve left in – of all things – historical writing. Especially in the workshop of Alfonso X el Sabio in the thirteenth century, medieval Spanish men writing about their local past turned to the stories they knew from minstrels and other oral traditions. It doesn’t seem so odd when we consider that these heroic sagas are more often than not about real-life figures. Spanish literary realism has long roots.

This Castilian historic/epic tradition, which has a looming responsibility in forming the notion of Spain, relishes anecdotes about traitors who persist in the Spanish imagination even today. Readers may be familiar with the betrayal of King Sancho that sets off the cycle of El Cid. An earlier royal meets a similar bloody end in the “Romance of Prince García.” The story on which I base my first novel, The Seven Noble Knights of Lara, tells of a betrayal that wipes out an entire generation of Castilian warriors.

The chapter of history known as “The Traitor Countess” is so full of betrayal that the title refers to not one countess, but two.

In the story, García Fernández is Count of Castile, the highest secular authority in the land at the end of tenth century. His wife Argentina takes a liking to a minor French noble and escapes with him. García’s subjects pressure him to go after her and erase this stain on his honor. When he arrives, he meets the French nobleman’s daughter, Sancha. In exchange for marriage to the count, she lets him into her father’s – and new stepmother’s – bedroom, where he hides in wait of the signal. When she tugs on the cord she’s tied around his foot, García emerges from under the bed and decapitates the lovers, thus regaining honor for himself and his independent county.

The new countess is welcomed in Castile, but comes to yearn for more power, which she intends to gain by marrying a Moorish prince. She malnourishes García’s horse so that it seems fit, but fails him in battle. García is taken prisoner to Córdoba, capital of the Islamic caliphate, where he is executed.

But Sancha can’t run off with her Muslim lover until she does away with her son, Sancho, García’s heir. Sancho finds out about his mother’s plans and when she offers him a drink, he insists she take it instead. Thus she dies from her own poison.

Scholars love the themes of female disruption of power in this story, but perhaps more fascinating for the historian is the way it adapts historical facts to create an even more exciting drama. García was the Count of Castile, and his heir was Sancho. García perished in battle against Muslim foes. But Sancho’s mother was not called Sancha, and García had only one wife. Her name was Ava and she left no evidence of even attempting to betray her husband or son.

I’ve often wondered why the fictional version ended up in the history books when the facts made more sense. My hunch is that the man who compiled the histories, King Alfonso X, was preoccupied with themes of traitors and turncoats because of treasonous demands the Castilian nobility made of him and the series of revolts in every corner of the realm during his reign. His son Sancho eventually deposed him, but that treason probably occurred too late to affect the writing of the histories.

Perhaps the most compelling evidence for this psychological reading is that in the epic versions, all traitors come to the end they deserve, as in the violent deaths of both of the traitor countesses. It didn’t always turn out that way in real life.

Jessica Knauss is seeking representation for her first novel, The Seven Noble Knights of Lara. Learn more about Jessica and her writing at:
Blogs

22 April 2013

Traitors & Turncoats: Ganelon—the Villain of ‘The Song of Roland’



What would be so despicable that the only justice is to tie the offender’s hands and feet to four stallions, have a mare nearby, and let them tear him apart? On top of that, 30 of his kinsmen are hanged—death by slow strangulation—and a buddy is slain in a duel.

Such is the fate of Ganelon, the villain of The Song of Roland, forever branded a traitor.

First a little context. Believed to have been written in the latter part of the 11th century, The Song of Roland is a medieval form of historical fiction, light on the historical and heavy on the fiction. The anonymous Old French epic says a lot about taking a stand against overwhelming odds, but it departs from the actual events that inspired it.

In reality, the retreating Franks were ambushed in 778 by Christian Basques at the Pass of Roncevaux in the Pyrenees, a defeat so traumatic that no one wrote about it while King Charles (Charlemagne) was alive. (For more, see my prior post on this subject at Unusual Historicals.)

Fast forward three centuries near the time of the first Crusades, and the suddenly, the Muslim Saracens are the enemy. The war has lasted seven years instead of a few months. And now we have a traitor to blame for the defeat, Ganelon. The author might have been inspired to name his villain after Guenelon (also spelled Vénilon), a ninth-century bishop of Sens who crowned Charlemagne’s grandson Charles and later changed his alliance.

Of course, a love-to-hate villain is great for storytelling, but I wonder if the author was trying to convey another message. French forces were superior, so good that only a betrayal would defeat them. Perhaps, the author was drawing a parallel to Jesus, who died because of Judas’s betrayal.

In the poem, our hero, Roland, volunteers his stepfather, Ganelon, to convey the terms of Charlemagne’s treaty with Saracen King Marsil, who has just made an offer for peace. Ganelon is angry—two others guys who tried this were beheaded.

After relaying his emperor’s terms to Marsil, Ganelon reveals how the Saracen can defeat Charlemagne: get rid of Roland. Ganelon instructs Marsil to give Charlemagne gifts and hostages and wait until Charlemagne’s army withdraws, leaving the rearguard behind. Marsil then can attack with overwhelming numbers. Ganelon swears fealty to Marsil and gets treasures.

Roland is appointed to the rear guard at Ganelon’s behest, and sure enough, the Saracens ambush the Frankish rear guard. Roland and his companions fight valiantly, and perhaps the redeeming message of the poem is how the heroes face their certain deaths. After stubbornly refusing to call for help, Roland blows his horn and dies, along with everyone else in the rear guard.

Hearing the call, Ganelon tries to convince Charlemagne that wasn’t Roland’s horn and that there is no battle. But Charlemagne is knows otherwise, and the Franks take revenge. In the meantime, Ganelon is chained and beaten by the kitchen staff and his beard is torn.

And then Ganelon’s story takes an interesting turn. Ganelon doesn’t deny what he did. Instead he shows up in Charlemagne’s presence with 30 of his kinsmen and says that he’s not guilty because he was taking revenge, not committing treason.

Inexplicably, the noblemen at the court are buying this, but not everyone. And so for even more drama, we have a trial by duel between the warrior Thierry and Ganelon’s champion and buddy, Pinabel. Now why would Ganelon, a warrior who has named his sword and rides a charger, need a champion? Was the poet trying to show what a wimp Ganelon was for not fighting his own battles? Given what happened to him after Pinabel is killed in the duel, Ganelon would have been better off taking his chances in a duel.

Ganelon’s reputation as traitor follows him through time, as author Tinney Sue Heath explained on my blog, Outtakes. In the 14th century, Dante envisioned Ganelon in the lowest frozen parts of Hell, not that far away from where Satan gnaws on the traitors Brutus, Cassius, and Judas.

Kim Rendfeld is the author of The Cross and the Dragon, in which Hruodland (Roland) and Ganelon come from two feuding families and are rivals for the heroine, Lady Alda. In Kim’s version of events, Ganelon is not a traitor, but don’t worry, there is still plenty to hate about him. You can learn more about Kim and her fiction at her blog, kimrendfeld.wordpress.com, or website, www.kimrendfeld.com.

15 April 2013

Traitors & Turncoats: The Betrayal of Joan of Arc

By Ginger Myrick

In my previous post on Women in Warfare: Joan of Arc, I gave a cursory account of Joan’s capture on the field at Compiègne during which she impressed even a Burgundian historian with her courage: "She remained in the rear of her men as their captain, and the bravest of all ..." Her troops retreated from the battle to safety, and Joan rode behind them to ensure it. As the bulk of the force crossed into the fortification, the bridge was drawn up and the portcullis dropped, knowing that the Maid was on the wrong side.

 It may seem shocking to some that Joan’s own countrymen—especially inhabitants of the very town she had come to liberate—would leave her outside the gates when she was certain to be captured by the enemy. But by this time her standing had been much diminished by her military failures. If she were truly from God, would He have allowed her to fail? By her own admission ‘her voices’ had deserted her. The last time Stes. Catherine and Margaret had spoken, they had told her she would be taken before Midsummer, "and thus it needs must be."

Joan found herself in the custody of a vassal of the Duke of Burgundy. Because of the longstanding bloodfeud raging between the ruling house and this particular duke of France—it was said that the Dauphin had entrapped the Duke’s father, John the Fearless, and had him killed if not perpetrated the crime himself—Philip had sided with England many years before. Being in the custody of a Burgundian was nearly as bad as being in the hands of the English themselves, but there was still a chance that a compassionate soul would intervene and pay the ransom. 

Many French eyes looked to their newly anointed king, as Joan had been the one responsible for setting the crown upon his head, but by all accounts Charles was not a man who was quick to action nor was he possessed of the funds. Of course he was the king and could have found a way to release her by royal decree, but he left her to her fate. When Charles refused to pay the ransom, Joan was offered to the English who jumped at the chance. Now what would they do with her? 

They would have liked to have her declared a witch, burned, and be done with the matter, but that was not so easy. She had always maintained that her mission was from God and that the voices she heard were those of saints. She had already passed a moral inquiry and been declared a good and virtuous Christian. Her prosecutors tried to trap her into talking about ‘her voices’—in an attempt to call them demons then say she was possessed—but she simply refused, saying that the voices would not allow her.

The only means left to accomplish their end was to convict her of heresy. She had already passed the test for witchcraft, so how could they accuse her of heresy? Pierre Cauchon, the Bishop of Beauvais, another Burgundian and English partisan, cunningly pointed out a Biblical law, Deuteronomy 22:5, which states that a woman shall not wear the clothing of a man, and Joan had certainly done that. But heresy only carried a death sentence for a repeat offense. How would they get her to betray herself? 

After a period of fasting or prolonged fever (I have read differing accounts, but one thing on which they concur is that she was not in a lucid state of mind.) Joan was taken out to the execution platform and shown the fate her accusers had in mind for her. They prepared two documents for her consideration. One was an abjuration stating that Joan acknowledged her error and vowed to cease dressing as a man. The other was a confession saying that ‘her voices’ were evil and that she had committed all manner of sin, making the first option seem far less offensive by comparison. In addition, her prosecutors said that if she signed the first and donned woman's clothing, she would be housed in gentle prison with nuns for guards instead of rough English soldiers. She was illiterate and could only trust in their honor. Confronted with the horrifying vehicle of her undoing, she made her mark. 

After signing the document, Joan repented of her sin and complied with the conditions, but a few days later, they found her in her cell garbed in her old clothing. How it occurred seemed a mystery, but afterward she told a member of her tribunal that "a great English lord had entered her prison and tried to take her by force." She had resumed male attire either to defend herself against sexual assault or because her dress had been ruined or stolen and she was left no other recourse. Regardless of how it happened, her relapse was the evidence needed for her conviction, and she was immediately sentenced to burn.

On the day of her martyrdom, Joan was so valiant in her conduct that she even won admiration from English soldiers who were present in force to witness the execution and ensure that no rescue attempts would succeed. One of the Englishmen fashioned a small cross that she placed in the front of her dress, and when the deed had been done, a secretary of Henry VI of England said, "We are all lost. We have burned a Saint!" 

Twenty-five years later, a nullification trial found that Joan’s case had been criminally mismanaged. Several witnesses testified that the transcript had been doctored, and many of the church officials had been compelled to serve against their will, some even threatened by the English. Bishop Cauchon had illegally detained Joan in a secular prison and denied her appeals to a higher church office, which should have ended proceedings on that level. And in the Church’s eyes, the technical reason for her conviction—dressing like a man—was justifiable if done to preserve chastity. The investigation posthumously declared Joan innocent and convicted Cauchon of heresy.

Ginger Myrick was born and raised in Southern California. She is a self-described wife, mother, animal lover, and avid reader and knitter. Along with the promotion for THE WELSH HEALER, and EL REY, she is currently crafting her third novel, which takes place during the U.S. Civil War. She is a Christian who writes meticulously researched historical fiction with a ‘clean’ love story at the core. She hopes to persevere with her newfound talent and show the reading community that a romance need not include graphic details to convey deep love and passion.

05 April 2013

Traitors & Turncoats: Isabella Marie Boyd

By Mirella Patzer

Born in Virginia, Isabella (Belle) was the eldest child of Benjamin Reed and Mary Rebecca (Glenn) Boyd. Despite the fact she was never considered pretty, she was a strong-willed and assertive child, afraid of nothing. Being of the female gender never hindered her. She could race through the forest or climb trees with the most spry of lads. With her mischievous, fun-loving, and strong personality, she clearly dominated all her brothers, sisters, cousins, and friends. 

 Well educated, she graduated from the Mount Washington Female College at Baltimore. Afterwards, her family arranged for her social debut in Washington where she soon gained a reputation for her good nature and fun-loving spirit.

Isabella Marie Boyd
May 9, 1844 – June 11, 1900

Her carefree life changed forever on July 4, 1861. A band of Union army soldiers rode up to their home. When they saw the Confederate flag flying, they tore it down and hung a Union flag in its place. This angered Belle, but she wisely bit her tongue and kept silent. That is until one of the soldiers cursed her mother. That was when she pulled out a pistol and shot the man down.

That got her arrested. A board of inquiry exonerated her, but she remained under suspicion. They posted sentries around her house and officers kept close track of all her activities. Not one to be easily intimidated, Belle acted as if it didn’t bother her in the least. In fact, she chose to profit from her restricted circumstances and struck up friendships with several of the men. Her charms worked especially well on Captain Daniel Keily who soon began revealing military secrets to her.

Captain Daniel Kiely is seated on the right


Along with the many flowers he sent her, came tidbits of important information, the details of which she conveyed to Confederate officers via her slave, Eliza Hopewell. Eliza would carry the messages in a hollowed-out watch case. It was not long, however, before Belle and Eliza were caught. Belle was once more arrested, but this time, if convicted, she faced the death penalty. Luck, however, was on her side and she was freed.

Having come so close to death would have scared most people. Not so Belle. The only lesson she learned was that she needed to find a better way to communicate.

One evening in mid-May 1862, Union General James Shields and his staff gathered in the parlor of the local hotel.

Union General James Shields

She hid in the closet in the room, eavesdropping through a knothole she had enlarged in the door. She learned that Shields had been ordered east from Front Royal, Virginia, a move that would reduce the Union Army's strength at Front Royal. 

That night, she rode through Union lines, using false papers to bluff her way past the sentries, and reported the news to Colonel Turner Ashby, who was scouting for the Confederates. She then returned to town.

Colonel Turner Ashby

When the Confederates advanced on Front Royal on May 23, she ran to greet General Stonewall Jackson's men, braving enemy fire that put bullet holes in her skirt.

Stonewall Jackson

She urged an officer to inform Jackson that the Yankee force was very small and told him to charge right down so he could them all. Well, Jackson did just that and that very same evening, he penned a note of gratitude to Belle. For her actions, sge was awarded the Southern Cross of Honor. Jackson also gave her captain and aide-de-camp status.


But her lover turned coat and he gave her up. She was arrested on July 29, 1862, and brought to the Old Capitol Prison in Washington where an inquiry was held on August 7, 1862 concerning violations of orders that she was to have kept in close custody.

Lady Luck continued to smile down upon her. She was held for a month before being released on August 29, 1862, when she was exchanged at Fort Monroe. She was later arrested and imprisoned a third time, but again was set free.

In 1864, she traveled to England where she met and married a Union naval officer named Samuel Wylde Hardinge. Never one to be happy with the quiet life, she became an actress in England.

After her husband, Samuel, died, she returned to the United States on November 11, 1869. There she met and married John Swainston Hammond in New Orleans. But their marriage was a bitter, acrimonious one and did not last. The couple divorced in 1884. She soon married Nathaniel Rue High. A year later, she began touring the country giving dramatic lectures of her life as a Civil War spy.

While touring the United States, at the age of 56, she suffered a fatal heart attack in Kilbourne City, Wisconsin on June 11, 1900. Her grave can be found in the Spring Grove Cemetery in Dells.